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In this classic work of twentieth-century history, William Sheridan Allen demonstrates how dictatorship subtly surmounted democracy in Germany and how the Nazi seizure of power encroached from below. Relying upon legal records and interviews with primary sources, Allen dissects Northeim, Germany with microscopic precision to depict the transformation of a sleepy town to a Nazi stronghold. This cogent analysis argues that Hitler rose to power primarily through democratic tactics that incited localized support rather than through violent means.

Ein geteilter Kontinent. Ein Krieg, der die Welt neu formte. Der Dreißigjährige Krieg (1618 –1648) begann als erbitterter Religionskonflikt innerhalb des zersplitterten Heiligen Römischen Reiches – doch er sollte sich zu einem der verheerendsten und tiefgreifendsten Kriege der europäischen Geschichte ausweiten. Was als Auseinandersetzung zwischen protestantischen und katholischen Staaten begann, entwickelte sich bald zu einem brutalen Machtkampf, der die großen Königreiche Europas mit hineinzog und Millionen Todesopfer forderte.

Known as Fritz to his German spy-handlers and Zig-Zag to the British secret service, Eddie Chapman was a man of many faces. While his early life was rife with petty crime, gang activity and a dishonourable discharge from the British military, Chapman’s unique skills were eventually sought out by Nazi Germany, and after convincing them he could use his criminal contacts to sabotage the English forces, he was quickly recruited.

Warum kämpften die Deutschen im Zweiten Weltkrieg bis zum bitteren Ende? Warum funktionierte ein untergehendes System bis zum Schluss? Ian Kershaw erklärt in seinem neuen Werk, wie Hitlers Regime bis zum Ende durchhalten konnte, und analysiert die letzten Monate zwischen dem Stauffenberg-Attentat im Juli 1944 und dem Kriegsende im Mai 1945. In diesem außergewöhnlichen Feature werden Auszüge aus dem Buch mit O-Tönen aus der Epoche angereichert.

With strong insight into the characters of Ernest Bevin, General Clay, Dean Acheson, and Robert Schumann, and now with a foreword by former British minister to Berlin Sir Michael Burton, this a story of individual heroism and high brinkmanship politics, of daily life under appalling circumstances, and great achievements against all odds.

Following the end of the Second World War, between 1945 and 1949, British forces occupied the northern part of what would become West Germany. Here, Daniel Cowling presents a political and military history of this occupation, but also explores the experiences of the thousands of British men and women who were tasked with building a democracy out of the ruins of Hitler's Germany. Don't Let's Be Beastly to the Germans offers telling insights into Britain's experience of the Second World War and the Cold War, and sheds light on the development of Britain's relationship with Europe since 1945.

The Weimar Republic has become a byword for a failed, tragic, political experiment. The official period of its existence, 1919-1933, marked the inter-war years in Germany and their related uncertainty, chaos and the state’s ultimate collapse. Historians have found the roots of Nazism embedded in the Weimar years and that in the final analysis, Weimar politicians voluntarily handed over power to the man who wrought destruction on an epic scale, Adolf Hitler.

In May 1940, Nazi Germany was master of continental Europe. The only European power still standing was Great Britain - and the all-conquering German armed forces stood poised to cross the Channel. Following the destruction of the RAF fighter forces, the sweeping of the Channel of mines, and the wearing down of the Royal Naval defenders, two German army groups were set to storm the beaches of southern England.

During World War II many escape-line organizations contributed to the Allied cause by funneling hundreds of servicemen out of occupied Europe. As the Germans tightened their noose, the risk of discovery only grew for the servicemen who needed safe passage across the Pyrenees. In early 1944 two important escape-line organizations operated in southwestern France, handing over many fugitives to French passeur Jean-Louis Bazerque. Along with several of his successful missions, his only failure as a passeur is recounted in gripping detail in So Close to Freedom.

Harald Jähners große Mentalitätsgeschichte der Nachkriegszeit zeigt die Deutschen in ihrer ganzen Vielfalt: etwa den "Umerzieher" Alfred Döblin, der das Vertrauen seiner Landsleute zu gewinnen suchte, oder Beate Uhse, die mit ihrem "Versandgeschäft für Ehehygiene" alle Vorstellungen von Sittlichkeit infrage stellte; aber auch die namenlosen Schwarzmarkthändler oder die stilsicheren Hausfrauen am Nierentisch der anbrechenden Fünfziger. Das gesellschaftliche Panorama eines Jahrzehnts, das entscheidend war für die Deutschen und in vielem ganz anders, als wir oft glauben.

Im Podcast Der Sage nach geht es um echte Legenden aus Deutschland. Wie lauten sie - und was entspricht davon der Wahrheit? Hendrik Efert geht gemeinsam mit den Hörern auf Spurensuche.

'Extraordinary ... one of the most moving and uplifting stories of the war' Keith Lowe 'A remarkable book' - The Telegraph A gripping account of hidden identity, military courage, and an against-all-odds reunion. Four days after Germany's surrender in May 1945, a young British officer headed...

In 1940 a group of artists, sculptors, film makers, theatre designers and set painters came together to form the Camouflage Unit. Led by Major Geoffrey Barkas and including among their number the internationally renowned stage magician Jasper Maskelyne, the unit's projects became a crucial battlefield weapon.

Der Erste Weltkrieg wurde „der Krieg, der alle Kriege beenden sollte" genannt ... was er nicht tat. In dieser prägnanten Nacherzählung des Ersten Weltkriegs werfen wir einen Blick auf die Gründe dafür, die Reaktionen darauf und letztendlich den Tod derer, die das größte Opfer brachten.

February 26, 1924 was the first day of the greatly anticipated high treason trial that would galvanize Germany - but few in the courtroom that morning anticipated that the leading defendant, General Erich Ludendorff, whose risky offensives during World War I doomed Germany to defeat, would soon be eclipsed by the private first class at his side, Adolf Hitler. Hitler was charged with treason after unsuccessfully trying to seize power in the notorious Beer Hall Putsch in Munich in 1923.

When the Great War broke out in August 1914, Thomas Mann, like so many people on both sides of the conflict, was exhilarated. Finally, the era of decadence that he had anatomized in Death in Venice had come to an end; finally, there was a cause worth fighting and even dying for, or, at least when it came to Mann himself, writing about. Mann immediately picked up his pen to compose a paean to the German cause. Soon after, his elder brother and lifelong rival, the novelist Heinrich Mann, responded with a no less determined denunciation. 

The massive armies of the Soviet Union and its Warsaw Pact allies posed a huge threat to the nations of Western Europe. US military planners decided they needed a plan to slow the juggernaut they expected when and if a war began. The plan was Special Forces Berlin. Their mission, should hostilities commence, was to wreak havoc behind enemy lines and buy time for vastly outnumbered NATO forces to conduct a breakout from the city.

Germany's Stormtroopers engaged in a vicious siege of violence that propelled the National Socialists to power in the 1930s. Known also as the SA or Brownshirts, these "ordinary" men waged a loosely structured campaign of intimidation and savagery across the nation from the 1920s to the "Night of the Long Knives" in 1934, when Chief of Staff Ernst Röhm and many other SA leaders were assassinated on Hitler's orders.

Warum die BRD nicht ohne die DDR zu verstehen ist – und umgekehrt. Ursula Weidenfeld legt eine Geschichte des doppelten Deutschland vor, wie sie so noch nicht geschrieben wurde. Bisher gibt es, zumindest in der westdeutschen Erinnerung, die Bundesrepublik (oder ganz einfach: »Deutschland«) und daneben die DDR, üblicherweise als der »zweite deutsche Staat« bezeichnet. Deren Geschichte wird immer von hinten erzählt, vom Ende her – das ist die übliche Strafe für gescheiterte Staaten.

Famed historian, university professor, and author of the groundbreaking "The Case for Colonialism" Bruce Gilley demonstrates that, contrary to modern presuppositions, German colonialism from its early roots to the mid-twentieth century served overall as a global force for good in the world, elevating the lives of its subjects and encouraging scientific development while allowing native cultures to flourish within its governance.